CHAPTER X—PRACTICE OF SECESSION

Secession Spirit in Mississippi (1860)

BY REPRESENTATIVE REUBEN DAVIS (1889)

TO say that the nomination and election of Lincoln caused the war is to make a mistake. It was the signal for battle, but the troops were marshalled and war declared, long before. During the long contest for speaker, passion on both sides had been intensified, and the excitement and danger of collision continued to increase until the last hour of the session.

Lincoln’s nomination took place about two weeks before adjournment. The intelligence came like a thunderbolt. Members from the South purchased long-range guns to take home with them. The unthinking among them rejoiced that the end was in sight, but those who considered more deeply were dismayed by the prospect.

It was regarded almost certain that Lincoln would be elected, unless Breckenridge or Douglas could be withdrawn from the field, and it was idle to hope that this could be done. . . .

The presidential campaign was, as was inevitable, one of extraordinary violence. In all my speeches in Mississippi, I broadly asserted that war was unavoidable. For this I was often blamed, but I replied that it was our duty to deal frankly with the people, who had confided such vast interests to our hands.

Governor John J. Pettus issued a proclamation, by which he called upon the legislature to meet, in extra session, upon the third Monday in November, 1860. He also invited the senators and representatives to meet him in Jackson, some days before the meeting of the legislature, in order that he might counsel with them in regard to his message and what he should say upon the subject of secession.

We met there upon this invitation. Congressman John J. McRae was not present. There was much discussion, in which divers opinions were maintained. Some opposed separate state action in secession. Some were opposed to secession, unless eight other States would consent to go out at the same time.

As these discussions were prolonged without seeming to lead to anything definite, I at last proposed a resolution that the governor should recommend the legislature to call a convention to secede the State of Mississippi, by separate action, such action to take effect co instanti.

This resolution was voted for by Governor Pettus, O. R. Singleton, William Barksdale, and myself. It was practically a declaration of war.

Governor Pettus then showed us a telegram which he had received from the governor of South Carolina, requesting his opinion whether the South Carolina secession convention, which was then about to meet, should make their ordinance of secession take effect instantly, or on the 4th of March.

Being called upon for a resolution upon this point, I offered one that the reply should advise the ordinance to take effect instantly. The same four votes adopted this resolution also, and our work was done. If a convention was called, and delegates in favor of secession elected, there would be no pause or tarrying.

Hon. L. Q. C. Lamar and General Ethel Barksdale were invited by the people of Brandon to make addresses at that place, the day after these resolutions had been adopted.

Returning home, it was necessary for me to pass immediately through Brandon, and Lamar and Barksdale, with their accustomed courtesy, sent me an invitation to arrange my journey with reference to joining them. It was with great pleasure that I accepted this invitation, knowing that I should hear from both gentlemen speeches of unusual eloquence.

Mr. Lamar made the opening address, speaking with even more than his wonted fluency and beauty. It is useless to attempt to describe his peculiar style. His fame is national, and he stands upon a pedestal wrought out by his own great gift of words. It was remarked that in this speech he made no reference to the possibilities of war, or the horrors that must result from disunion.

As soon as the applause which greeted the conclusion of Lamar’s address had subsided, General Barksdale invited me to speak. I had made no preparation, but the subject to be handled had occupied my mind exclusively for many weeks, and had become so much a part of my consciousness that I had but to look at a crowd and open my mouth, and speech flowed spontaneously. I was, so to speak, so saturated with the thoughts and passions of the time, that the difficulty was not so much how to speak ms how to leave off.

After stating the issues between the two sections, I informed the people how far, and in what spirit, the struggle had been carried on, telling them frankly that we had reached a point where to turn back would be dishonor. . . .

As we came down from the stand, some of the principal citizens in the crowd came to me, and said, "Your boldness startled us. Is it your sober judgment that we are in such peril as you have described?" I replied that by the first of January they would see for themselves.

A gentleman then said, "I believe your opinions are correct, but do you not doubt the propriety of saying these things in public? Would it not be wiser to preserve a discreet silence until everything is ready?" To this I made answer that it was the people’s right to know where they were going, and our duty to give them fair warning. Otherwise, they might justly utter the reproach that they had been led blindfold to the very brink of a precipice, and their representatives had given them no warning. The gentleman looked at me for a moment as if in doubt, and then said, "Well, that’s honest, any way."

Reuben Davis, (Boston, etc., 1891), 389–394 passim.