SCHULTHESS, Europäischer Geschichtskalender for the year 1869, pp. 242 sqq. World History

264.

Beust’s Instructions to the Austrian Ambassador at the Papal Court (July 1869)

In the mind of every true patriot it was clear in 1866 that the stability of the State could only be secured through a fundamental regeneration establishing the great principles of constitutional liberty. Accordingly the encouragement of the free evolution of all the living forces of the nation became the leading idea of the government. It must be regretted that the Austrian bishops and the messages dispatched by them to the Holy See did not take into account this irresistible force which was responsible for the sudden change in Austrian affairs. This oversight furthermore allowed more than one mistaken view to be entertained in Rome. Had the representatives of the Church understood that in face of a complete revolution—the result of imperative necessity—there was no longer any question of making fruitless attempts to recover decaying privileges, but that it was their duty to turn the new order of things as far as possible to the advantage of the Church (as when the Belgian clergy, for instance, grasped this fact and accepted the constitution of the year 1831), they surely would not have made that stubborn opposition to the projected reforms, which raised against them the reproach of being enemies to the constitutional organization of the monarchy. It is this reproach which makes the position of the clergy so difficult, and which, to the great regret of the Imperial and Royal government, often imbitters differences of opinion relating to unimportant and simple questions of detail.

The foregoing also makes it partially clear how it comes about that the interference of the Holy See can still further aggravate the conflict in a lamentable fashion . . . . Painful as it may be for the Roman Court to be compelled to hear these words, we cannot conceal from it the following truths :

The Concordat cannot be enforced in Austria

The existing provisions of the Concordat can no longer be enforced in Austria. The privileged position which this act conceded to the clergy can no longer exist for them, and would only injure them in the future. It is illusory to hope that this state of affairs is only transitory and can be modified by a change of ministers. It is as far as possible from the desire of the Imperial and Royal government to seek conflict with the Church; it wishes, on the contrary, nothing more earnestly than agreement. In the midst of the difficulties with which it has to struggle, it did not for a moment renounce its calmness and impartiality. It has given to all parties counsel of wisdom and moderation, and has steadily taken into consideration the possibility of restoring better relations with the papal court in the future. The evidence for these statements may be found in two facts: that the Imperial and Royal government most carefully refrained from pronouncing upon the legal continuation of the Concordat within its boundaries ; and that precisely in those questions which caused the greatest uproar in Rome—that is, in regard to the reforms relating to the solemnization of marriage and the conduct of schools—it showed great reserve.

If one adds to this that circumstances, as well as the principles which these reforms had introduced, did not warrant the government in longer assuming the position of an exclusively Catholic State, and that, on the contrary, it was bound to bring its legislative activities into harmony with the principle of equality of religions before the law, one must do the Imperial government the justice of recognizing that it endeavored to spare as far as possible the Catholic interests . . . .

Rome has no special claim on Austria

Rome must, above all, bring herself to the conclusion that Austria is not to be regarded as a land which is exclusively appointed to hold the same views as the Holy See; as a result it is necessary to place the Austro-Hungarian monarchy in the class of modern constitutional States, and accordingly it is also necessary not to require the Imperial and Royal government to approve demands which one would not think of making upon such countries as France and Belgium, because it would be known in advance that such claims would meet refusal there and would compromise the Holy See in vain. What can happen in other lands without bringing about on that account a breach with Rome must also be possible in Austria. This is the first fundamental principle on which the government as well as the people are firmly determined not to weaken. . . .