CHAPTER IV—POLITICAL CONDITIONS 1780–1790

Politics in Pennsylvania (1779–1785)

BY ALEXANDER GRAYDON

PARTY spirit, in Pennsylvania, had by this time [1779], taken a consistency, and the politicians were divided into Constitutionalists and Republicans. The first rallied round the constitution already formed, which was reprobated by the others, for its total deficiency in checks and counterbalancing powers, thence tending, as it was alledged, to rash, precipitate, and oppressive proceedings. The term republicans was embraced, as recognizing the principles of the revolution, and as indicative perhaps of tenets, which admitted the utility of modifications and restraints, in a system resting on the broad base of general suffrage and popular sovereignty. The word democrat was not yet much in use, neither was the distinction established between a democrat and a republican, which appears to consist in the idea, that the former is for placing the whole governing power in the "multitude told by the head;" the latter, for giving it some checks, and infusing into it, a leaven of what is termed by Mr. Burke, the natural aristocracy of a country. But to do this, where the source of power has been diligently explored and discovered too, like that of the Nile, and universal suffrage with the right to pull down and build up again, thence recognized as a fundamental, may well puzzle the learned advocates for strong executives, and independent judiciaries, and in the end, perhaps, turn all their fine-spun theories into lumber, little better than nonsense. However, like the rest of my countrymen,

with sad civility, I read, With honest anguish and an aching head.

To counteract the constitutionalists, the disaffected to the revolution, were invited to fall into the republican ranks; and there was an agreement, or at least an understanding, among the lawyers, who were generally on the republican side, neither to practice or accept of any office under the constitution, which, in that case, they would be bound, by an oath, to support. But the constitutionalists had a Roland for their Oliver. They had prothonotaryships, attorney-generalships, chief justiceships, and what not to dispose of. Patriots have their price, ’tis said; and persons were found to accept of these, some of whom, indeed, had cautiously avoided committing themselves by the promulgation of rash anathemas. All, however, were not so fortunate, if fame is to be believed; and although the fruit was to them forbidden, they were tempted, and did eat. But in this age of thrift and self-aggrandisement, I am not going to impute it to them as a crime. Who would now reject the means of bettering his condition, through the childish fear of being charged with a dereliction of principle? It is not of such imbecility that the world is now "the friend, or the world’s law." Buonaparte would never have made himself a consul, much less an emperor, by such squeamishness.

Soon after the organization of the Republican society, it was proposed to me by my friend major Scull, then in Philadelphia, to join it; but after the recent agitations of the greater contest with the mother country, I felt no inclination to disturb myself with domestic broils. My eyes, indeed, were open to the illiberality of the constitutionalists, and the extreme jealousy, they already manifested against those who had been in the army; but on the other hand, so far as I can recal my feelings, I did not fully relish the policy of courting the disaffected and those who had played a safe and calculating game. But they were rewarded for it: pelf, it appeared, was a better goal than liberty; and at no period in my recollection, was the worship of Mammon more widely spread, more sordid and disgusting. Those who had fought the battles of the country, at least in the humbler grades, had as yet earned nothing but poverty and contempt; while their wiser fellow citizens who had attended to their interests, were the men of mark and consideration. As to military rank, no man seemed to be without it, who had an inclination for it; and the title of major was the very lowest, that a dasher of any figure, would accept of. Nothing more was wanting for its attainment, than to clap on a uniform and pair of epaulets, and scamper about with some militia general for a day or two: And thus, the real soldier was superseded, even in the career of glory. Never having been good at a scramble, as already observed, whether honor or profit were the meed, I did not press into the field of pretension; and being in a state of apathy as to the political parties, I declined enlisting with either. . . .

Among a number of newly introduced maxims of republicanism, it was an highly favored one in Pennsylvania, to bring justice home to every man’s door. In the spirit of this principle, several new counties had been erected; and in the year of 1785, I had the good fortune, through the warm exertions of an influential friend, to obtain an appointment to the prothonotaryship of the county of Dauphin. By a combination of small circumstances working together for my advantage, I obtained, contrary to expectation, the suffrage of the supreme executive council, of which Mr. Dickinson was then president. The republican party possessed a majority in the council; and colonel Atlee, who belonged to it, was designated for the office. He was conspicuous as a party-man, and, if I mistake not, at the time, a member of the legislature; and on the score of services and character, no one had better claims. But upon this occasion, the negative character of my politics, contrary to the usual course of things, probably gave me the advantage. To keep out Atlee, the constitutionalists were disposed to give their votes to any one of his competitors. Of course, I had all their strength; and by adding to it two or three republican votes, I acquired a greater number than any in nomination. As the mode was to vote for the candidates individually, there was no physical, or perhaps moral impediment, to each of them receiving the vote of every member. A promise to one, was not broken, by voting also for another, unless it was exclusively made. The president had, probably, given a promise to colonel Atlee as well as to myself; and considering me, perhaps, as too weak to endanger his success, thought he might safely gratify my friend, who pinned him to the vote, which, on coining to the box, he seemed half inclined to withhold. Or, where was his crime, if he really thought our pretensions equal, and therefore determined not to decide between us? Such were the accidents which procured my unlooked for appointment.

Mr. Dickinson, for his want of decision, as it was called, was bitterly inveighed against by his party; and the next day at the coffee house, when receiving the congr[a]tulations of some of my acquaintance, Mr Michael Morgan O’Brien, who chanced to be present, and to whom I was then introduced, asserted it as a fact, that the president had suffered his hand to be seized and crammed into the box with a ticket for me;

"but no matter," said he, "you are a clever fellow, I am told and I am glad that you have got the office." . . .

[Alexander Graydon], (Harrisburg, 1811), 306–310 passim.