Objections to the Panama Congress (1826)

BY SENATOR NATHANIEL MACON

THE Minister of Colombia states, as another subject of discussion at the contemplated Congress, "on what basis the relations of Hayti, and of other parts of our hemisphere, that shall hereafter be in like circumstances, are to be placed." To this matter, also, the President makes no allusion in his message. And, surely, if there is any subject within the whole circle of political relations, as to which it is the interest and the duty of all States to keep themselves perfectly free and unshackled by any previous stipulation, it is that which regards their future connexions with any other people, not parties to such an agreement. Of the propriety or impropriety of such connexions, each must ever be permitted to judge freely for itself, because the benefit or disadvantage to result from them, must be peculiar, and very different to each; and that relation which is highly desirable at one time, may become hurtful at another. In the opinion of this Committee, therefore, the United States should never permit themselves to enter into discussion with any foreign State whatever, as to the relations they should be obliged to establish with any other people, not parties to such discussions. And the objections to such a course become infinitely stronger, when the discussions are intended to refer, not only to those who then exist, but also to others who may hereafter be considered as placed "in like circumstances." . . .

The Committee have thus exhibited to the Senate, in detail, all the subjects which they have been enabled to find particularly stated, either by the President in his first message, or by any of the Ministers of the new States of America, as matters intended to be discussed at the contemplated Congress. In reviewing these, they will repeat, that a concurrence of opinion does not seem to exist between the different parties, as to the subjects of deliberation; nor has the mode of discussion or decision been in any way settled between them. In relation to some of the subjects alluded to, as fit matters for consideration, differences of opinion, radical and irreconcileable, seem already to exist, which discussion may aggravate, but cannot assuage. As to others, their very agitation in this mode, threatens seriously the compromitment of the neutral relations which the United States are now maintaining, and have so carefully observed throughout this whole contest. Others, again, are unfit subjects for deliberation in this mode at all times; and any agreement resulting from their discussion, must impair that freedom of action which it is so necessary for the United States to preserve as to these; and, as to the residue, they are either not of sufficient importance to require the adoption of this new and untried experiment of a Congress of Nations, or may be much better adjusted and settled in separate negotiations with each, than in a general conference with all. For these reasons, if there were none other, this Committee should regard the adoption of the measure proposed by the President, as highly inexpedient at this time.

Although, in the message of the President, of the 9th instant, no new subject of deliberation at the contemplated Congress is specially stated, yet, from the documents accompanying that message, and therein referred to, as containing information, tending to show the expediency of adopting the proposed measure, it appears to this Committee, that the present and future condition of the remaining Spanish possessions in America, are considered as proper matters to be there agitated and settled. . . .

The Committee are well aware, that the United States can never regard with indifference the situation and probable destiny of the neighboring Spanish islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico: but, so far from believing it expedient to discuss these subjects at a Congress of all the American States, and especially at this time, the Committee consider the great probability that such a discussion might be forced upon the United States, if they are there represented, as a circumstance furnishing in itself the strongest objections to the adoption of the measure proposed. . . .

Should the situation or policy of the United States induce them to look with indifference upon the new direction that the existing war may take, and to abstain from all interference in it, even though the neighboring islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico may be threatened or assailed, then the very annunciation of such a purpose must contribute much to accelerate an event that cannot be desired by us. In whatever light, therefore, this subject is viewed, it does not seem to be one which the United States should discuss with the other American States assembled at a Congress. The inexpediency of pursuing [such] a course appeared more obvious to this Committee, when they considered, that many of the nations of Europe must also feel, that their interests were materially involved in its decision; and that they would not abstain from making some movement in relation to it, which must greatly embarrass any course that the United States may wish hereafter to pursue.

. . . Then, the powers of Europe, who have hitherto confided in the sagacity, vigilance, and impartiality of the United States, to watch, detect, announce, and restrain any disposition that the heat of the existing contest might excite in the new States of America, to extend their empires beyond their own limits, and who have therefore considered their possessions and commerce in America safe, while so guarded, would no longer feel this confidence. Each would therefore endeavor to secure its own interests, by its own means; and the power of Spain not being considered by any as equal to the protection of her remaining American possessions, a struggle would probably commence, who should first obtain the islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico, the possession of which must ever be of the last importance to the commerce of this hemisphere. . . .

The very situation of Cuba and Puerto Rico, therefore, furnishes the strongest inducement to the United States not to take a place at the contemplated Congress, since, by so doing, they must be considered as changing the attitude in which they hitherto have stood, as impartial spectators of the passing scenes, and identifying themselves with the new Republics.

(Washington, 1828), III, 480–486 passim.