175.

Speech of the German Chancellor

A stupendous fate is breaking over Europe. For forty-four years, since the time we fought for and won the German Empire and our position in the world, we have lived in peace and have protected the peace of Europe. In the works of peace we have become strong and powerful, and have faced the fact that, under the pretense that Germany was desirous of war, enmity has been awakened against us in the East and the West, and chains have been fashioned for us. The wind then sown has brought forth the whirlwind which has now broken loose. We wished to continue our work of peace, and, like a silent vow, the feeling that animated every one from the kaiser down to the youngest soldier was this: Only in defense of a just cause shall our sword fly from its scabbard.

The day has now come when we must draw it, against our wish, and in spite of our sincere endeavors. Russia has set fire to the building. We are at war with Russia and France — a war that has been forced upon us.

Gentlemen, a number of documents, composed during the pressure of these last eventful days, are before you. Allow me to emphasize the facts that determine our attitude.

From the first moment of the Austro-Serbian conflict we declared that this question must be limited to Austria-Hungary and Serbia, and we worked with this end in view. All governments, especially that of Great Britain, took the same attitude. Russia alone asserted that she had to be heard in the settlement of this matter.

Thus the danger of a European crisis raised its threatening head.

As soon as the first definite information regarding the military preparations in Russia reached us, we declared at St. Petersburg, in a friendly but emphatic manner, that military measures against Austria would find us on the side of our ally, and that military preparations against ourselves would oblige us to take counter-measures; but that mobilization would come very near to actual war.

Russia assured us in the most solemn manner of her desire for peace, and declared that she was making no military preparations against us.

In the meantime Great Britain, warmly supported by us, tried to mediate between Vienna and St. Petersburg.

On July 28 the kaiser telegraphed to the tsar, asking him to take into consideration the fact that it was both the duty and the right of Austria-Hungary to defend herself against the pan-Serb agitation which threatened to undermine her existence. The kaiser drew the tsar’s attention to the solidarity of the interests of all monarchs in face of the murder of Serajevo. He asked for the latter’s personal assistance in smoothing over the difficulties existing between Vienna and St. Petersburg. About the same time, and before receipt of this telegram, the tsar asked the kaiser to come to his aid and to induce Vienna to moderate her demands. The kaiser accepted the rôle of mediator.

But scarcely had active steps on these lines begun, when Russia mobilized all her forces directed against Austria, while Austria-Hungary had mobilized only those of her forces which were directed against Serbia. To the north she had mobilized only two army corps, far from the Russian frontier. The kaiser immediately informed the tsar that this mobilization of Russian forces against Austria rendered the rôle of mediator, which he had accepted at the tsar’s request, difficult, if not impossible.

In spite of this we continued our task of mediation at Vienna and carried it to the utmost point which was compatible with our position as an ally.

Meanwhile Russia of her own accord renewed her assurances that she was making no military preparations against us.

We come now to July 31. The decision was to be taken at Vienna. Through our representations we had already obtained the resumption of direct conversations between Vienna and St. Petersburg, after they had been for some time interrupted. But before the final decision was taken at Vienna, the news arrived that Russia had mobilized her entire forces and that her moblization was therefore directed against us also. The Russian government, which knew from our repeated statements what moblization on our frontiers meant, did not notify us of this moblization, nor did it even offer any explanation. It was not until the afternoon of July 31 that the kaiser received a telegram from the tsar in which he guaranteed that his army would not assume a provocative attitude toward us. But mobilization on our frontiers had been in full swing since the night of July 30–31.

While we were mediating at Vienna in compliance with Russia’s request, Russian forces were appearing all along our extended and almost entirely open frontier, and France, though indeed not actually mobilizing, was admittedly making military preparations. What was our position? For the sake of the peace of Europe we had, up till then, deliberately refrained from calling up a single reservist. Were we now to wait further in patience until the nations on either side of us chose the moment for their attack? It would have been a crime to expose Germany to such peril. Therefore, on July 31 we called upon Russia to demobilize, as the only measure which could still preserve the peace of Europe. The imperial ambassador at St. Petersburg was also instructed to inform the Russian government that, in case our demand met with a refusal, we should have to consider that a state of war existed.

The imperial ambassador has executed these instructions. We have not yet learned what Russia answered to our demand for demobilization. Telegraphic reports on this question have not reached us, even though the wires still transmitted much less important information.

Therefore, the time limit having long since expired, the kaiser was obliged to mobilize our forces on August 1 at 5 P.M.

At the same time we had to make certain what attitude France would assume. To our direct question, whether she would remain neutral in the event of a Russo-German War, France replied that she would do what her interests demanded. That was an evasion, if not a refusal. . . .

Gentlemen, we are now in a state of necessity, and necessity knows no law. Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and perhaps have already entered Belgian territory.

Gentlemen, that is a breach of international law. It is true that the French government declared at Brussels that France would respect Belgian neutrality as long as her adversary respected it. We knew, however, that France stood ready for an invasion. France could wait, we could not. A French attack on our flank on the lower Rhine might have been disastrous. Thus we were forced to ignore the rightful protests of the governments of Luxemburg and Belgium. The wrong — I speak openly — the wrong we thereby commit we will try to make good as soon as our military aims have been attained.

He who is menaced as we are and is fighting for his highest possession can only consider how he is to hack his way through.

Gentlemen, we stand shoulder to shoulder with Austria-Hungary.

As for Great Britain’s attitude, the statements made by Sir Edward Grey in the House of Commons yesterday show the standpoint assumed by the British government. We have informed the British government that, as long as Great Britain remains neutral, our fleet will not attack the northern coast of France, and that we will not violate the territorial integrity and independence of Belgium. These assurances I now repeat before the world, and I may add that, as long as Great Britain remains neutral, we would also be willing, upon reciprocity being assured, to take no warlike measures against French commercial shipping.

Gentlemen, so much for the facts. I repeat the words of the kaiser: "With a clear conscience we enter the lists." We are fighting for the fruits of our works of peace, for the inheritance of a great past and for our future. The fifty years are not yet past during which Count Moltke said we should have to remain armed to defend the inheritance that we won in 1870. Now the great hour of trial has struck for our people. But with clear confidence we go forward to meet it. Our army is in the field, our navy is ready for battle — behind them stands the entire German nation — the entire German nation united to the last man.

¹ , pp. 436–439.